{"id":451,"date":"2013-02-19T23:02:36","date_gmt":"2013-02-19T23:02:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/refugeeresearch.net\/ms\/km\/?p=451"},"modified":"2013-02-19T23:03:12","modified_gmt":"2013-02-19T23:03:12","slug":"on-legitimacy-place-and-the-anthropology-of-the-internet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/refugeeresearch.net\/ms\/km\/2013\/02\/19\/on-legitimacy-place-and-the-anthropology-of-the-internet\/","title":{"rendered":"On Legitimacy, Place and the Anthropology of the Internet"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\"sarahkendzior\"<\/a><\/em><\/h1>\n

Source:\u00a0Ethnography Matters<\/a>\u00a0February 2013<\/p>\n

Editor\u2019s note: In this thoughtful piece for\u00a0February\u2019s\u00a0Openness Edition<\/strong><\/a>,\u00a0Sarah Kendzior<\/a>\u00a0(@sarahkendzior<\/a>) discusses the ways in which the\u00a0internet has transformed the relationship between the writer and the people about whom he or she writes. Sarah has written extensively about open access to scholarly publications (\u2018one paper (she) uploaded to Academia.edu\u2026\u00a0helped Uzbek refugees find a safe haven abroad\u2019,\u00a0according to one interview<\/a>).\u00a0In this post, Sarah writes about a deeper question regarding the openness of the research process and the ways in which the internet has led to a leveling of the playing fields in a way that some anthropologists would rather ignore than confront. After all, when the \u201csubaltern speaks\u201d and anyone, not just anthropologists, can hear, who exactly is doing the exposing?<\/em><\/p>\n

\n
\n

Sarah Kendzior is\u00a0an anthropologist and communications scholar who studies digital media and politics. Her home blog is at\u00a0sarahkendzior.com<\/a>.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Check out\u00a0past posts from guest bloggers<\/a>.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

________________________________________________________________________<\/p>\n

In the hallway of my anthropology department there was a map of the world. The map was covered with photos of students in the field, their exact location pinpointed by an image on a string. Every year, the academic coordinator would send out a call to students for a representative photo to add to the map, and every year, I failed to respond.<\/p>\n

During the bulk of my dissertation fieldwork, I lived in Missouri. The people I wrote about, Uzbek exiled political dissidents, lived all around the world \u2014 in Sweden, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Canada, the United States, Turkey. Having fled a\u00a0brutal crackdown<\/a>\u00a0following a massacre of civilians, they lived lives of constant upheaval, on the move and on the run. They thought less about where they were than they did about Uzbekistan, the one place they could not go. They spent most of their time online, talking to each other and talking to me. I could not go to Uzbekistan either, since\u00a0my previous articles<\/a>\u00a0criticized its authoritarian regime.<\/p>\n

\"birdamlik_computer\"<\/a><\/p>\n

This picture shows the inside of the truck of the leader of the Birdamlik People\u2019s Movement, an Uzbek opposition group. Birdamlik has branches in over a dozen countries (including Uzbekistan) but they are organized through the internet. The leader of the movement works in the US as a truck driver, and he calls this his \u201cmobile office\u201d \u2014 a communications center set up inside his 18-wheeler. The computer screen shows the Birdamlik website, which is banned in Uzbekistan. Pic by Sarah Kendzior (all rights reserved)<\/p>\n

The online communities of exiled dissidents made for an interesting dissertation. But it posed a problem when it came to the department map. Should I mark every point on the map or none of them? Should I designate Uzbekistan somehow \u2013 a skull and crossbones, a circle with a slash? What was my \u201crepresentative image\u201d \u2013 an activist curled up with his laptop, updating his Facebook status? A blogger staring at Cyrillic on a screen? Me, alone at my desk, checking my email?<\/p>\n

No one wants to see these things. No one wants to see visual documentation of their own online lives, much less the lives of others. It is the academic version of the tabloid reveal \u2013 \u201cUzbek dissidents \u2013 they\u2019re just like us!\u201d Such banality runs counter to anthropological advertising. The purpose of the department map was to show visitors that our research subjects are\u00a0not<\/i>\u00a0just like us \u2013 but that we, for a time, could be just like them.<\/p>\n

I was like the people I studied too, in that none of us have a place within the traditional conception of anthropological fieldwork. We were too much on the move, or we were not moving enough.<\/p>\n

Journalism and Anthropology Face the Same Fate<\/strong><\/p>\n

Before I was an anthropologist, I was a journalist. The week I quit my job at the\u00a0New York Daily News<\/i>, another young journalist bowed out in a more dramatic fashion. In April 2003, Jayson Blair was fired from the\u00a0New York Times<\/i>\u00a0for plagiarizing other articles, inventing quotes, and, most intriguingly, fabricating travel in order to merit the dateline that lends a\u00a0Times<\/i>\u00a0piece its veracity. Instead of going to the places he was supposed to go and talking to the people who lived there, Blair would interview them on the phone from New York. Sometimes, he would fly into a city and \u201creport\u201d without leaving his hotel.<\/p>\n

As the Blair scandal unfolded, it became known that the latter technique was occasionally practiced even by journalists who were not coke-addled liars. The dateline had its own value separate from the insight that the reporter was contributing. It was shorthand for the reporter\u2019s personal involvement, his professional legitimacy, his deep, on-the-ground knowledge. Being there \u2013 regardless of what one was actually doing there \u2013 was enough, for this distinguished the journalist from the masses forced to rely on his words.<\/p>\n

At the time I quit the\u00a0Daily News<\/i>, most print journalists viewed the internet with suspicion and disdain. In 2003, the version of the\u00a0Daily News<\/i>\u00a0that appeared at their website was almost an exact replica of the edition that had been published that morning, save a \u201cBreaking News\u201d bar, reluctantly implemented in 2002, that linked to stories from wire services. Even 9\/11 had prompted hand-wringing among the web staffers \u2013 dare they announce that the World Trade Center had collapsed and risk incurring the wrath of editorial?<\/p>\n

Ten years later, such a scenario is unimaginable. The collapse of print journalism, and the attribution of its demise to the industry\u2019s reluctance to adapt to the internet, has been thoroughly (and gleefully) eulogized by media and tech reporters, and was predicted years before it occurred. What few saw coming was how, in less than a decade, the internet would go from disreputable scourge to the dominant source of news and information, with reporters breathlessly parroting the Twitter feeds and Facebook statuses of famous people and ordinary citizens alike.<\/p>\n

In 2003, I never thought CNN would film a website, but today this happens all the time, because well-placed internet users are now viewed as authorities due purely to their geographic proximity to an event. Facebook and Twitter users have become unwitting reporters (unpaid<\/i>\u00a0unwitting reporters), and media outlets rely on them. It is enough that they are\u00a0there<\/i>, updating from the scene, unlike the journalist whose travel budget was cut \u2013 never mind if the Twitter user knows from what he tweets.<\/p>\n

A Discipline in Crisis<\/strong><\/p>\n

Today anthropology is facing a crisis of place, representation, and legitimacy similar to what journalism experienced a decade ago. Like journalists at the turn of the millennium, anthropologists have dealt with the challenges posed by the internet by ignoring them, downplaying the importance of the medium, and discounting its impact on the lives of the people they study. Despite the importance of the internet to people all over the world, there are few ethnographic studies of internet use conducted by anthropologists, and the anthropologists who do conduct this kind of research are marginalized and dismissed.<\/p>\n

In a 2002 essay titled\u00a0Another Revolution Missed<\/a>, Maximillian Forte bemoaned the widespread refusal of anthropologists to acknowledge the web. \u201cWhy would anthropology, as a discipline, routinely ignore one particular field site?\u201d he asked, noting that this field site is populated by \u201calmost 600 million people of all ages, classes, nationalities, ethnic backgrounds, personal interests, and professions.\u201d<\/p>\n

While public acknowledgement of the internet as a medium worthy of anthropological inquiry has increased since the publication of Forte\u2019s essay, there has been little in the way of ethnographic studies of how people are using it, save for a disproportionate focus on virtual worlds like Second Life. Anthropological research on the internet is rare compared to that of other disciplines, and the stigma of conducting it has remained.<\/p>\n

In a 2012\u00a0interview<\/a>\u00a0with\u00a0Fast Company<\/i>, anthropologist Gabriella Coleman recalled how her dissertation research on hackers, conducted in the early 2000s, was viewed with bafflement by her professional peers. \u201cMy advisers knew it was super-interesting, but because it wasn\u2019t focused on a particular area of the world, they warned me I was going to have trouble getting a job in an anthropology department,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

Coleman is now a leading figure in the study of online communities, but that makes little difference to a discipline trading on exoticism and insularity. Even today, she says she is\u00a0rarely invited<\/a>\u00a0to give talks in anthropology departments despite the fact that her research on Anonymous has captured the attention of the world.<\/p>\n

On the Internet, No One Knows You\u2019re an Anthropologist<\/strong><\/p>\n

That most anthropologists dismiss the internet as a subject worthy of ethnographic research is unfortunate but not surprising. As sociologist Christine Hine observes in\u00a0Virtual Methods<\/i>, \u201cWhen we talk about methodology, we are implicitly talking about our identity and the standards by which we wish our work to be judged.\u201d She notes that this is a particularly thorny issue for social scientists studying the internet, as \u201cwe threaten the security of a community of research practice.\u201d<\/p>\n

Anthropology of the internet challenges paradigms and practices that have been part of the discipline since its inception. The most notable methodological divergence concerns what many consider the hallmark of cultural anthropology: long-term ethnographic fieldwork.<\/p>\n

In anthropology of the internet, there is no clear sense of a field site or of \u201ctime spent in the field\u201d. (The researcher is either always in the field, or, naysayers claim, never in the field). The boundaries of the field site tend to be determined by the researcher, and its demarcations are often not clear even to the people he or she studies. Subject anonymity, another standard practice of anthropological research, is difficult to maintain with so much data public and traceable \u2013 and so much information fraudulent and fabricated. Anthropologists are left both fearful of exposing people and of having nothing \u201creal\u201d to expose.<\/p>\n

There is also the question of who is doing the exposing. Much as the internet leveled the playing field between the reporter and the reader (often reversing their roles in the process), the internet has transformed the relationship between the social scientist and the subject, with the former no longer the lone recipient of the latter\u2019s concerns. Not only does the \u201csubaltern speak<\/a>\u201d, the \u201csubaltern\u201d shares the details of his life online in a way that anyone \u2013 not just anthropologists,\u00a0anyone<\/i>\u00a0\u2013 can access.<\/p>\n

The question then becomes what to do with this information. How do anthropologists connect online texts to the people who produce them? How do they judge whether their interpretations of an individual and a community are accurate? From where do anthropologists draw their authority and accountability?<\/p>\n

Such questions are not new. Anthropologists who practice \u201ctraditional\u201d fieldwork have been asking them for years. But like journalists of a decade ago, anthropologists are reluctant to address them in the context of online communication \u2014 in particular, to acknowledge how the internet has transformed the relationship between the writer and the people about whom he or she writes. The internet makes ethnography something anyone can do, a threatening prospect for a conservative discipline struggling to locate its relevance. It is easier to dismiss the internet as not worthy of inquiry at all.<\/p>\n

Anthropology of the internet forces the question of whether being seen as an anthropologist is more important than doing meaningful ethnography. It strips the discipline of its elite trappings, requiring no excessive funding or dramatic upending of one\u2019s life. What it does require is for the researcher to rely on more than just a dateline. When you are not going anywhere, you have to make the journey matter.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/sup><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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