Category Archives: Migration Headlines

Sudan: Families from South Sudan stranded in Khartoum

Man and children at the Shegara departure point in Khartoum, awaiting transport to South Sudan.

Man and children at the Shegara departure point in Khartoum, awaiting transport to South Sudan.

Thousands of South Sudanese families are stranded in Sudan’s capital Khartoum waiting for an opportunity to return home, but insecurity and lack of resources have been hampering efforts by humanitarian agencies to transport them safely back to their places of origin.

“Since the independence of South Sudan in 2011, scores of people have returned from Sudan but many are still waiting, stranded at numerous departure points,” said OCHA’s Head of Office in Sudan, Mark Cutts. “The humanitarian community needs more support to step up its efforts to help these people return home.”

Since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed by Sudan and South Sudan in 2005, some 2 million people have returned to South Sudan, which became an independent country in July 2011. Over the last few years, humanitarian organizations such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) have helped many families return home as well as provided the support that they needed to rebuild their lives in the world’s youngest country. In recent years, however, aid agencies’ capacities have been stretched by the emergence of new crises in the two countries, including in South Sudan’s Jonglei State and Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile States where millions of people have been forced from their homes by conflict.

Today, some 40,000 people are stranded at 40 different departure points across Khartoum, waiting for a truck, bus or a barge to take them south. “These points have basically become squatter camps and the people are living in squalor,” added Mr. Cutts.

During a recent visit by OCHA staff to two departure points in Khartoum, many people said they had sold most of their possessions in order to survive. They explained that the Government of South Sudan had encouraged them to go to the departure points, where they could be transported back. However, lack of funding for transportation and the closure of roads to South Sudan because of insecurity are hampering efforts to help these families return home. The outlook is bleak as roads are frequently impassable due to flooding during the rainy season from June to September, but many families continue to wait, living in poverty with very few resources.

“We have no schooling for our children, our husbands are not allowed to work and we are suffering a lot from a lack of help,” said Katarina who lives at the Soba-Kongor departure point in Khartoum. “What we need more than anything else is some help to go back home.”

“Ultimately the Governments of South Sudan and Sudan are responsible for the welfare and transportation of those stranded,” said the head of IOM in Sudan, Malke Dharmaratne. “We will assist wherever and whenever we can, but organized movements by road, rail and air need to stem from concerted government efforts.”

IOM is working with the Inland African Church to help transport small groups of people in the coming weeks, but the Governments of Sudan and South Sudan need to organize and fund larger scale returns. IOM stressed that this was vital to ensure the safety of the returnees.

Last April, a group of people on their way back to South Sudan were caught in cross-fire when conflict erupted in the Heglig area, along the border between the two countries. OCHA and humanitarian partners have been urging the Governments to help establish and respect safe transportation corridors.

In the meantime, humanitarian organizations are concerned about the families at the departure points.

“While we appreciate the efforts of the Government of Sudan, international organizations remain extremely concerned at the humanitarian conditions of those living at the departure points,” said the UN Refugee Agency’s Deputy Representative in Sudan, Francois Reybet-Degat, outlining the urgency of the situation and the need for a solution.

“Without the resumption of organized return movements to South Sudan, the lack of prospects for the majority of those wanting to return back home in safety and dignity is very troubling.”

From OCHA South Sudan

6 March 2013 – 4:49pm

Open doors to Syrian refugees, Canada urged

Turkey’s ambassador denies his country is holding up process

From CBC News

Posted: Mar 20, 2013 5:14 AM ET

Initial estimates from December suggest the number Syrian refugees could be more than a million by June.Initial estimates from December suggest the number Syrian refugees could be more than a million by June. (Mohammad Hannon/Associated Press)

Citizenship and Immigration Canada officials have said Canada can’t take Syrian refugees out of Turkey’s 17 camps because the Turkish government isn’t allowing any refugee to leave until the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has made decision regarding their case.

Immigration Minister Jason Kenney toured two of the Turkish camps in January, and the government has announced it is contributing $1.5 million to the Red Cross/Red Crescent Movement to aid the refugees of the conflict, on top of $8.5 million in aid it has already provided.

While there have been calls for Canada to take in refugees from Syria, Canada is following the UNHCR recommendation that it is too early in the crisis to discuss resettlement.

Thair Hafez said he has been pleased with Turkey's response to Syrian refugees, but would like to see more from Canada.

Thair Hafez said he has been pleased with Turkey’s response to Syrian refugees, but would like to see more from Canada.(CBC)

Turkish laws at issue

A spokewoman for Kenney said Turkish laws regarding refugees are holding up any potential refugee claims.

“The fact is that Turkey does not allow potential refugees to leave the country, nor does Turkey issue exit visas, until the UNHCR has made a decision on their case and refers their case to a country for resettlement. The UNHCR has not made a decision in many cases, and is not referring any Syrian cases for resettlement,” Alexis Pavlich, press secretary to Jason Kenney, wrote in an emailed statement.

Citizenship and Immigration Canada spokeswoman Ana Curic had earlier said Canada’s hands are tied.

“We obviously understand the anxiety Syrian Canadians are feeling right now. Until they get a decision from the UNHCR they can’t even get out of Turkey — there’s nothing we can do, that’s Turkish law,” Curic said.

Ambassador disputes claims

Tuncay Babali, Turkey’s ambassador to Canada, said the claims are unfounded and that his government’s position has been misrepresented.

“We have no such decision at all, and people who are in the camps can leave freely, wherever they desire to go,” Babali said. “Turkey is ready to co-operate on this, and everybody in the camps is free to leave. There is no such characterization. It’s a misrepresentation.”

For Syrians with relatives in refugee camps, the confusion adds to the anxiety.

Syrian in Ottawa concerned for relatives

Thair Hafez owns a car dealership in the Ottawa neighbourhood of Westboro but recently took a risk, travelling to the heart of the Syrian civil war. He also visited relatives who fled to Turkey, where five large families are sharing a single apartment in the town of Reyhanli.

Hafez said he is grateful to Turkey but disappointed in Canada, where he’s lived for three decades.

“Canada as a country, they did not contribute but they can do better. In the past they helped Iraqis, the Lebanese, the Somalians, the Kosovans, the Bosnians,” Hafez said.

Syrian refugee numbers could increase by two or three times by the end of 2013 if Syria’s civil war continues, according to António Guterres, the UNHCR’s high commissioner.

In December, the UN estimated the number of Syrian refugees would reach 1.1 million by the end of June.

Furore over Australian detention of immigrant children

Close to 2,000 children are under some form of detention in Australia

 

“You cannot underestimate the human cost of detaining children,” Jeroen Van Hove, the coordinator of the  (IDC), an umbrella group of 258 members (including organizations) working in 50 countries around the world, based in Belgium, told IRIN, describing Australia’s detention regimes as one of the “harshest” in the world.MELBOURNE, 5 March 2013 (IRIN) – Australia is failing in its international obligations to protect the rights of close to 2,000 children now in immigration detention, say rights groups and legal experts.

“You cannot underestimate the human cost of detaining children,” Jeroen Van Hove, the coordinator of the  (IDC), an umbrella group of 258 members (including organizations) working in 50 countries around the world, based in Belgium, told IRIN, describing Australia’s detention regimes as one of the “harshest” in the world.MELBOURNE, 5 March 2013 (IRIN) – Australia is failing in its international obligations to protect the rights of close to 2,000 children now in immigration detention, say rights groups and legal experts.

“You cannot underestimate the human cost of detaining children,” Jeroen Van Hove, the coordinator of the International Detention Coalition (IDC), an umbrella group of 258 members (including organizations) working in 50 countries around the world, based in Belgium, told IRIN, describing Australia’s detention regimes as one of the “harshest” in the world.

“The current detention policy causes serious damage to these children and has been criticized internationally for its human rights violations.”

According to Australia’s Department of Immigration and Citizenship, as of 1 March there were 1,983 children (under 18) in immigration detention, including 998 in secure locked facilities and 985 detained in the community (the preferred option for children as it allows them to live in community-based accommodation without the need to be escorted outside a locked facility).

Of these, 281 are detained on Christmas Island (off the coast of Indonesia), while a further 34 are on remote Manus Island in Papua New Guinea (PNG) as part of the government’s controversial offshore processing efforts.

Activists there describe conditions as “overwhelmingly inadequate”.

This is a “blatant violation of international norms and arguably in breach of a range of UN Conventions,” Linda Briskman, a professor of human rights at Swinburne University, charged. “There is a mounting body of evidence, particularly from mental health professionals and researchers that reveals the terrible harms resulting from the detention of children.”

Mental health impact

Asylum advocacy groups in Australia have long raised concerns following reports of self-harm and trauma experienced by children in low-security facilities.

In February, an Australian-based organization, the Darwin Asylum Seeker Support and Advocacy Network (DASSAN), received reports from the Immigration Department under Australia’s Freedom of Information Act detailing self-harm among children at two Darwin detention centres.

Outside a Darwin detention centre

“These reports explain there were 26 self-harm incidents in Darwin centres from August 2010 to November 2011. The youngest child was only nine years old and he took an overdose of Panadeine, knowing what the full effects on him would be,” DASSAN coordinator Fernanda Dahlstrom said.

This was despite the fact that the Darwin airport lodge is considered more humane than other processing centres, she added.

“These cases aren’t isolated. More children are suffering the same psychological side effects as a result of detention in other facilities. We just don’t officially know the numbers,” said Leila Druery, a spokeswoman for ChilOut, an advocacy group for children in immigration detention in Australia.

“We would like to see the issue of detaining children depoliticized, by giving an independent children’s commission an oversight and guardianship role,” Druery explained, in reference to the current conflict of interest where the immigration minister is the sole person who decides if his own department is acting in the best interests of the child.

The Australian Red Cross echoes these concerns on placing children in detention centres for unknown periods of time while their refugee status is processed.

“[The] Australian Red Cross believe community-based detention for asylum seekers is a humane and sustainable alternative to the use of secured detention facilities and arrangements,” the Red Cross said in a statement.

“Evidence shows that when people spend long periods in immigration detention facilities, not only does their health suffer, but also their ability to cope and their psychological well-being.”

Rights of the child

Legal experts in Australia point to the responsibilities the government has under its international obligations, including as a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).

“Perhaps, the most obvious treaty breach is that of CRC. Clearly, maintaining children in detention for long periods of time does not treat their welfare as the paramount consideration,” said Stephen Keim, a Brisbane barrister and the president of Australian Lawyers for Human Rights.

Keim noted that when the periods of detention were long and indefinite so as to affect the mental health of the children involved, or the conditions are unsatisfactory, “issues of cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment arise,” which is prohibited under the Convention Against Torture, the CRC and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights.

According to CRC, the detention of children should be used “only as a measure of last resort, for the shortest appropriate period of time and taking into account the best interests of the child.”

In February, a report by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child asked states to “expeditiously and completely cease the detention of children on the basis of their immigration status”.

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has also expressed deep concern over the treatment of children in the Manus processing centre, which was reopened on 21 November 2012 in PNG.

“The mandatory detention of 34 children and their families at the Centre is particularly troubling for us,” said UNHCR regional representative Richard Towle.

The UNHCR report released on 4 February 2013 following a visit to the Manus Island facility noted that: “When viewed against the applicable international legal standards, it is clear that the current situation for detained children is profoundly unsatisfactory and UNHCR is therefore of the view that it is not currently appropriate for children to be transferred to Manus Island.”

Immigration remains a divisive issue in Australia

Duty of care

Refugee policy has long been a divisive issue in Australia, even though the country receives a small number of refugees annually compared to other countries including the USA, France, Germany, Italy, and Sweden.

In 2011, Australia received 15,441 onshore asylum applications, just 0.92 percent of the 1,669,725 applications received across the world, the Refugee Council of Australia reported.

However, according to Australia’s current labour government, the government is committed to ensuring people held in immigration detention are treated with dignity and respect and that children are always accommodated in the least restrictive form of detention accommodation available.

“No-one wants to see children in detention for long periods, which is why children have priority processing and the department endeavours to process their claims quickly,” said Brendan O’Conner, Australia’s minister for immigration and citizenship, in a statement provided to IRIN.

“The Australian government has a duty of care to ensure the health and wellbeing of children in immigration detention – including ensuring access to appropriate physical and recreational activities and excursions and education,” added O’Conner.

At the same time, all irregular maritime arrivals have to be detained while their “identities, health and reasons for travel are ascertained”.

Meanwhile, the Greens, a minority party that currently holds the balance of power in the Australian Senate, are campaigning for policy change when it comes to placing children in detention.

“Some of these children have spent their whole lives behind bars, having committed no crime other than being born in a country from which they are forced to flee,” said Senator Hanson-Young, who visited the detention centre in Manus Island in February.

“The government needs to end this cruel regime of indefinite detention.”

Since January 2013, most of the 1,382 irregular maritime arrivals were asylum seekers arriving by boat from Iran, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan.

In light of the most recent (ongoing) elections in Kenya, will the IDP issue be resolved?

KENYA: Fours Years On IDPs Remain in Camps

  • by Peter Kahare (Rift Valley, Kenya)
  • Tuesday, January 24, 2012
  • Inter Press Service

Six-year-old Victor Muruga points to a hole in the bush that he calls his ‘bedroom’. ‘I sleep there, under that tree and my mother sleeps under that blanket,’ says Muruga.

Victor Muruga (r) and his three-year-old brother Ian Kimani (l) prepare lunch from their camp at 
Mumoi farm. - Peter Kahare/IPS
Victor Muruga (r) and his three-year-old brother Ian Kimani (l) prepare lunch from their camp at 
Mumoi farm. – Peter Kahare/IPS

Muruga is in a jovial mood as he prepares lunch for the family. The bubbly boy, his three-year old brother Ian Kimani and their mother had to initially spend five days in the bush after being transported here to Mumoi farm, enduring the scathing sun and biting cold as they waited for the government and Kenya Red Cross Society to provide them with tents.

Muruga’s family are among the 4,000Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) affected by Kenya’s 2007/2008 post-election violence who live here on Mumoi farm in Subukia Township, 200 kilometres north west of Nairobi. Four years after the violence, they are yet to be allocated their one-hectare piece of land that the government promised all IDPs.

The families living on Mumoi farm want the 1,2 hectare farm, but the government refuses to buy it for them, saying that they had been relocated there illegally.

‘The ministry does not intend to buy that land because it is rocky and unsuitable for farming, and the government was not involved in moving them there,’ Permanent Secretary in the Special Programmes Ministry, Andrew Mondo, told IPS.

Mondo says that other government ministries like the Ministries of Land, Agriculture, Water, Roads and Education need to be involved in assessing and endorsing the land, and settling IDPs.

In the country’s 2011/2012 budget allocation, Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta set aside 60 million dollars for resettling IDPs. However, the process of resettlement has been characterised by corruption, tribalism and hostility to the IDPs.

Early last year, the government launched an investigation into a missing two million dollars that had been set aside for the resettlement IDPs, which had allegedly been misappropriated by officials in various ministries and even representatives of IDPs.

The 2007/2008 post-election violence displaced over 660,000 people, over half of whom were displaced in the Rift Valley Province. While more than 300,000 families have returned to their farms, and their ethnic homelands in Central, Nyanza and Western Provinces, some have sold the homes they were forced to flee from and bought land elsewhere.

There remain over 15,000 families displaced by the post-election violence awaiting their land settlements in Rift Valley Province, the largest province in Kenya. Each family has an average of five children.

‘These are the people we recognise, plus the 5,710 families evacuated from the Mau Forest in 2009 who are camping in three major camps along the forest boundary,’ Mondo says.

But the Mumoi farm IDPs refute allegations that they are not victims of the post-election violence and claim that the government wanted to resettle them in Central Province against their will. Naivasha Member of Parliament, John Mututho, then facilitated the relocation of the IDPs to Mumoi farm, claiming that the government had failed to resettle them.

‘The government told all IDPs in the country to identify suitable land for themselves and alert the concerned ministry if they find it. That is what we did. We found this land and the seller is willing to sell it to us,’ Ibrahim Kihara, spokesperson for IDPs at Mumoi farm, told IPS.

Last week, Mututho petitioned the high court to allow him to resettle IDPs. He has also sued the government for sabotaging the IDPs resettlement exercise.

But not everyone is happy that politicians have become embroiled in the row to resettle IDPs. A group of over 2,000 displaced persons from the country’s largest camp atMawingu took to the streets early January to protest against being taken advantage of by politicians.

They also condemned Mututho for calling on IDPs to squat on private land.

‘Politicians should stop misleading the IDPs, and politicising the resettlement issue to get votes in the forthcoming elections,’ Osman Warfa, the Provincial Commissioner for Rift Valley Province, told IPS.

Another politician, Luka Kiagen, a Member of Parliament for Rongai Constituency, in the Rift Valley Province, has been leading a section of elders to complain over the settlement of IDPs in Rongai.

He claims that 10,000 people from the Kikuyu community had settled in Rongai at the expense of the largely Kalenjin community who had been evicted from the Mau Forest.

‘People displaced from Mau Forest who are residing along the border have been forgotten in the resettlement programme,’ Kigen told IPS.

The government maintains that there was no discrimination in the resettlement exercise.

‘Such allegations are unfounded. It is not by choice that members of the Kikuyu community are the largest number of IDPs,’ Mondo told IPS.

Non-governmental organisations and civil societies have blamed the government for the continued delay in resettling IDPs.

‘The IDPs issue has exposed the intolerance and divisions among communities. The government has not been willing to clear this blot on the face of Kenya. It has failed in upholding the constitution that guarantees security and accommodation for all Kenyans by false promises for four years.

‘The government claims that there is no land for relocation. But look at the thousands of acres owned by politicians and lying idle in the country. Can’t they be bought by the government at least to settle the IDPs?’ Ndung’u Wainaina, director of the International Center for Policy and Conflict, told IPS.

In December 2011 the government created a task force mandated to fast track the resettlement process. But Peter Kariuki, the coordinator for the IDPs National Network, says that four years down the line this is ‘too little too late.’

 

© Inter Press Service (2012) — All Rights Reserved

Original source: Inter Press Service

Israel’s migrant dilemma

Repatriation of African migrants in Israel sparks international concern.

  1. In mid-2012, figures showed that Israel houses over 50,000 African migrants, most of them from Sudan or Eritrea.  According to a story published by Israeli news outlet Haaretz, Israel offered Eritreans the choice of prison or repatriation, drawing criticism from the UNHCR. In accordance with international conventions, most cannot be deported.
  2. This video, published on filmmaker David Sheen’s Blue Pilgrimage website in August 2012, shows Africans and Israelis reacting to the situation. (Warning: This video contains explicit language.)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=6-D7CkFFzvQ

  1. The following table depicts where the majority of migrants originate. Eritrea leads, followed closely by Sudan. Other migrants come from: Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Net migration to UK drops to 163,000

Fall of 84,000 from previous year has been caused mainly by decline in overseas students coming to Britain

guardian.co.uk, Thursday 28 February 2013

Theresa May

The drop represents progress for the home secretary, Theresa May, towards her pledge of cutting net migration to below 100,000. Photograph: Getty Images

Net migration to Britain dropped to 163,000 in the 12 months to June 2012, largely driven by a sharp fall in overseas students, according to the latest quarterly figures from the Office for National Statistics.

The politically sensitive net migration figure of 163,000 is 20,000 below the previous quarter and 84,000 below the 247,000 recorded in the 12 months to June 2011. It represents significant progress for the home secretary, Theresa May, towards meeting her pledge of getting annual net migration below 100,000 by the time of the next election.

The detailed ONS figures show that the fall has been concentrated in a decline in overseas students coming to Britain, down from 239,000 in the year to June 2011 to 197,000 in the year to June 2012.

Separate Home Office figures for visas issued in 2012 show that the trend continued throughout last year to December. Sponsored student visas issued last year fell by 20%, family reunion visas were down 10% and work visas fell by 3%.

The detailed Home Office figures show the biggest drops were in overseas study visas for places at English language schools which were down 69%, at further education colleges, which were down 62%, and at public schools – down 14%. Study visas for university places rose by 3%.

The visa figures also show that the biggest falls in the number of study visas issued in 2012 were in those issued to Indian nationals, which were down 50%, and Pakistanis, down 69%. During his visit to India last week, David Cameron tried to limit the damage from the squeeze on overseas students, but Indian student visa numbers have now fallen from 42,000 in 2010 to 17273 last year.

Study visas for Chinese students, who remain the largest single group of overseas students coming to Britain, continued to increase in 2012, with a rise of 4,856 or 9% to 57,344, but this did little to offset the 52,066 fall in total study visas.

Another contribution to the overall fall in net migration came from a 10% fall in visas issued for family reasons, including for spouses and dependents, with the largest drops in those coming from the US and Afghanistan.

In contrast to the squeeze in student numbers and on family visas, the level of migration to Britain to work fell from 194,000 to 173,000 over the same period. Migration from Poland and other eastern European countries fell to 62,000 – the lowest level since they joined the EU in 2004.

Overall, the level of immigration to Britain fell from 589,000 to 515,000 over the year to June 2012, while emigration from Britain remained broadly stable with a rise of only 10,000 to 352,000 going to live abroad for more than 12 months.

The difference between the level of immigration at 515,000 and emigration at 352,000 gives the net migration figure of 163,000.

The latest asylum figures show that new applications for refugee status rose by 10% to 21,785, with the largest increases coming from people from Pakistan and Syria.

Home Office figures also show that 61 children were detained for immigration purposes in the last three months of 2012 despite the coalition pledge to abolish child detention. Most went through the new “family returns process” at the Cedars centre near Gatwick airport.

There were 2,685 people held in immigration detention centres at the end of December, 11% higher than the previous year. Most were being held for less than 30 days, but they included 255 who had been held for between one and two years and 67 who had been there longer than two years. Despite greater enforcement action, removals and departures continue to decline.

Sarah Mulley of the Institute for Public Policy Research said the fall in the number of international students which was driving the fall in net migration towards the official target would only have a short-term effect.

“Most students stay in the UK only for a short time, so reduced immigration now will mean reduced emigration in the future, which by 2015 could partially reverse the falls we are seeing today.

“This also means that more drastic cuts to student numbers would be needed to make further progress towards the government’s target. For example, the latest research suggests that only 18% of student migrants are still in the UK after five years. That means that the 52,000 fall in student visas that we saw last year will only reduce net migration by just over 9,000 in the medium term.

“Given that the government still need to reduce net migration by 63,000 in order to meet their target, it is clear that this cannot be achieved in the medium term without radical changes that go far beyond the student visa regime.”

But the immigration minister, Mark Harper, said Thursday’s figures were evidence that immigration was coming back under control.

“Our tough reforms are having an impact in all the right places – we have tightened the routes where abuse was rife and overall numbers are down as a result. But sponsored student visa applications for our world-class university sector are up and the numbers of skilled people being sponsored by UK employers in sectors such as IT and science have also increased,” he said.

“We will continue to work hard to bring net migration down from the hundreds of thousands to the tens of thousands by the end of this parliament and to create a selective immigration system that works in our national interest.”

US immigration reform: A path to citizenship

 

Can the right of the Republican Party be persuaded to back a comprehensive overhaul of the immigration system?

In a politically fractured town like Washington DC, one would think that a plan supported by President Barack Obama and sworn Republican political enemies, including John McCain and Marco Rubio, would be sure to succeed.But there is no guarantee about whether the right of the Republican Party will be persuaded to back immigration reform.

Immigration, and the status of the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants currently in the US, has proved to be one of the most divisive issues in American politics.

There is a study just produced by a scholar at the University of California that showed that President Obama has deported more people – families, children – than all presidents of the United States, from George Washington up to Bill Clinton in 1996; not than each one of them, but [more] than all of them combined.– Roberto Lovato, an immigration rights activist

Previous attempts to reform the system have failed amid rancour in Washington, but this week there is new hope that comprehensive reform could be passed by the end of the year.

On Monday, a bipartisan group of senators unveiled far-reaching legislation that could provide a path to citizenship.

Those arguing for reform were given hope by the presence of Republican Senior Senator John McCain and also Marco Rubio, an early favourite for the Republican presidential nod in 2016.

The senators’ plan emphasises four key aspects: security along the US southern border; employer-compliance with immigration laws; provisions for farm workers and highly-educated engineers; and a “pathway to citizenship” – which senators insist does not amount to a path to amnesty.

Undocumented US residents who want to continue working will have to register with the government and pay a fine.

This will effectively force them to the “back of the line” while they apply for permanent status.

Democrats are in a win-win situation here, if they get immigration reform through then President Obama has delivered on his promises of comprehensive reform and he gets a win. If they don’t get it through they will blame a native establishment within the Republican Party and that will be a win for them. So Democrats win either way. And Republicans lose both ways.– Ryan Grim, the Washington bureau chief for the Huffington Post

But while they are waiting, they can work legally and do not face deportation, as long as they steer clear of criminal activity.

But there are obstacles: although Obama has come out in favour of the thrust of the plan, the key battles are to come when the bill comes up for debate in Congress.

In particular, more right-leaning Republican congressmen are wary of alienating many Republican voters who are hostile to reform, arguing it amounts to amnesty.

They seem to pay little heed to the arguments of Republican grandees who argue that the party needs to win Latino support to stand any chance of regaining the White House.

So, can the right of the Republican Party be persuaded to back comprehensive immigration reform?

To discuss this, Inside Story Americas with presenter Kimberly Halkett is joined by guests: Ryan Grim, the Washington bureau chief for the Huffington Post; Roberto Lovato, a co-founder of Presente.org, an online Latino advocacy organisation; and Michael Graham, a Conservative political commentator and talk radio host.


US IMMIGRATION LAW:

  • President Barack Obama discussed immigration reform in Nevada on Tuesday
  • Obama: Time for “common-sense comprehensive immigration reform”
  • Obama said he backs proposals offered by “gang of 8” senators
  • Immigration ‘compromise’ backed by Republican and Democrat senators
  • Obama described his plan as “earned citizenship”
  • Senators’ plan calls for stronger border control
  • Senators’ plan calls for improved monitoring of visitors
  • Senators’ plan calls for crackdown on hiring of undocumented workers
  • Senators say legislation could pass in late spring, early summer
  • Last major immigration reform laws passed in the US in 1986.
  • That law made it illegal to hire workers without documentation.
  • Obama offered his own immigration reform plan in May 2011
  • Latino critics: Obama failed to fulfill immigration-reform promises
  • 2012 exit polls showed that Latino voters supported Obama over Romney

 

 

Toronto considers giving underground migrants access to services without fear

Councillors are being asked to make Toronto a “sanctuary city” where where non-status migrants can access services without fear of being jailed and deported.

Toronto Star

George Williams, 58, came to Toronto as a visitor and lived without status for three years. He nervously approached a  shelter in 2010 after he lost his job and home, fearing he'd be deported. But the shelter helped him apply for refugee status, and he is now a permanent resident.

NICHOLAS KEUNG / TORONTO STAR

George Williams, 58, came to Toronto as a visitor and lived without status for three years. He nervously approached a shelter in 2010 after he lost his job and home, fearing he’d be deported. But the shelter helped him apply for refugee status, and he is now a permanent resident.

By:  Immigration reporter, Published on Mon Feb 18 2013

Maria didn’t go to police after her Canadian husband beat her up. When the food bank staff asked for her ID, she just left. And when she was owed $1,600 in back wages for two months’ work as a cleaner, she could do nothing but bite her lip.

“I’m denied access for help and services because I don’t have any immigration paper,” explained the Toronto resident, who came here from Mexico City in 2000 and has lived an undocumented life ever since.

“It’s not only affecting my life — because of my (lack of) status, my daughter is not getting the support, even though she was born in Canada. Better access to services means better quality of life for her.”

Maria, who asked that her full name not be used for fear of being pursued by immigration enforcement officers, is among Greater Toronto’s estimated 200,000 undocumented migrants: visitors who have overstayed their visas, or failed refugee claimants dodging deportation.

Anticipating a surge in the region’s undocumented population in 2015 — when many legal but temporary foreign workers will see their four-year work permits expire under a new law and potentially move “underground” — Toronto City Council is set to vote on an “access without fear” motion Wednesday or Thursday.

The city’s community development and recreation committee has come up with a plan to transform Toronto into a “sanctuary city,” similar to San Francisco and other U.S. cities that have passed laws ensuring that non-status residents can turn to city services without fear that they’ll be turned in for detention or deportation.

The motion calls for training for front-line staff and managers to ensure that undocumented residents won’t be asked about their immigration status when accessing services — calling police in an emergency, for example — and establishing a complaints protocol and public education strategy to inform Torontonians of the policy.

“The undocumented live here, work here and pay taxes here. They are part of the community. They also need services and support. Government services should not be tied to immigration status,” said Karin Baqi of the Solidarity City Network, an umbrella group behind the campaign.

“They are the backbone of our economy. They take care of our kids, clean our offices and build houses.”

The motion doesn’t suggest that the new policy would contain any benefits for city government, only for the undocumented residents themselves. Maria, who makes a meager income as a cleaner, said her daughter could at least have had more nutritious food from the food bank than steamed rice and potatoes, if the local food bank hadn’t asked her for documents proving her status as a resident.

“I make very little money from my job. Any support I can get will help,” said Maria, who is in her 30s.

George Williams came to Toronto as a visitor from St. Vincent in 2007 and lived under the radar until 2010, when he lost his under-the-table job at a popsicle factory and became homeless.

Despondent, Williams decided to risk being reported to immigration officials and walked into the Maxwell Meighen homeless shelter for help.

“I was brave enough to go in,” recalled Williams, 58. “Fortunately, they didn’t ask for my immigration paper.”

When shelter staff later found out he fled to Canada to avoid persecution as a gay man, they gave him encouragement and helped him file a refugee claim, which was accepted in 2010.

“It’s really important for people to have a place to go to where they are not afraid to ask for help and support,” said Williams, who became a permanent resident last year.

MIGRATION: Greece failing asylum seekers

A Tanzanian migrant shows his temporary asylum seeker document

ATHENS, 15 October 2012 (IRIN) –

When Vahid Pejman, a former journalist from Afghanistan, arrived in Greece with his wife and 11-year-old daughter, he anticipated a brief stay before heading somewhere more welcoming.

“I knew about the financial crisis here, but I wasn’t planning to stay more than a week,” he told IRIN, nearly a year later. “I didn’t mind where I went, as long as they accepted me and looked at me like a human.”

But an attempt to board a ferry to Italy using fake EU passports failed, costing him the last of his money. Out of options, Pejman decided to apply for asylum in Greece.

Considered a gateway to the rest of Europe, Greece receives an estimated 130,000 undocumented migrants a year, most of them via its land border with Turkey. Many have become trapped since – under pressure from its European neighbours, Greece has tightened controls at previously popular exit points like the port at Patras.

Greece is ill-equipped to host the estimated 810,000 irregular migrants now living in the country. Deeply embroiled in a debt crisis, the government has accepted a bailout package from the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank (collectively known as the Troika) in return for implementing drastic austerity measures, including widespread public sector job and salary cuts. Youth unemployment in Greece now stands at 55 percent, while close to 25 percent of the general population is out of work.

Some of the stranded migrants, with no other recourse, apply for asylum, clogging the system with a backlog of 30,000 applications.

“Pink cards” – proof of asylum application – protect holders from arrest for six months and allow them to work, but only about 20 are issued per week to the hundreds who queue outside the Attica Aliens Directorate in Athens every Saturday.

Reform delayed

Pejman managed to secure a card; the next hurdle was an interview with the police, who grant refugee status to just 2 percent of applicants. An appeals level has a higher recognition rate – around 35 percent – according to UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) spokesperson Ketty Kahayioylou. But reaching this stage can take years. Pejman did not get that far.

He was summoned for the police interview four times. Each time, he waited hours before being told to return a month later.

“The last time, I didn’t bother going,” he said. “I’ve let my [asylum-seeker] permit expire, and I’m waiting for repatriation back to Afghanistan.”

An overhaul of Greece’s asylum system was passed into law in 2011 and set to become operational in January 2012; it would have moved the adjudication of asylum applications from the police to a new, autonomous asylum service. But the government’s austerity measures have since frozen public sector recruitment, delaying the overhaul. Meanwhile, the current system is so problematic that many migrants with genuine asylum claims do not bother applying.

“This is the paradox,” said Kahayioylou. “Those coming from refugee-producing countries don’t want to apply because they don’t trust the system, and they want to get to other countries.”

Degrading conditions

Previously, migrants who applied for asylum in Greece but then travelled to other European countries risked being returned to Greece – a result of the European Union’s Dublin II regulation, which makes the member state where an asylum seeker first arrives responsible for handling their application.

But two 2011 rulings by the EU’s Court of Justice found that asylum seekers should not be returned to countries where they could face inhuman or degrading treatment – Greece was judged to be one such country, mainly because of its notoriously poor detention conditions. Most EU countries have stopped transferring asylum seekers there.

These poor conditions are another deterrent for potential asylum seekers; those who apply are often kept in detention for up to six months while their application is considered.

“Some would rather be deported than remain in detention,” said Maria Papamina, an attorney with the Greek Council for Refugees, an NGO offering free legal advice to migrants and assistance to those with genuine asylum claims.

Repatriating

Pejman, like other migrants IRIN interviewed, has applied for voluntary return to his country through an International Organization for Migration (IOM) project aiming to help 7,000 irregular migrants stranded in Greece return home over the next 12 months.

“I think they’ve come to the end of the road,” said Daniel Esdras of IOM’s Greece office. “In the past, it was easier for them to go to another European country. Now it’s next to impossible, so they’re trapped here. Now on top of that, they have the threat of detention, so I think the only really humanitarian solution for them is voluntary repatriation.”

But since the programme began in September, only 605 migrants have returned home and 8,000 applications are pending. “We have people queuing outside the office every day,” said Esdras.

Successful applicants must wait up to a month for their home countries to issue identity and travel documents before they receive 300 euros and the flight home.

“It’s my only way,” said Hamid, a 16-year-old Afghan who has been sleeping in an Athens park for the last 15 months and is now awaiting repatriation.

“I’ve spent over a year like this and all of my family’s savings. Greece is different than what I was expecting – from the earth to the sky.”

The urban challenge for refugees

A Malian mother and child at M’béra camp in eastern Mauritania

NOUAKCHOTT/DAKAR, 9 January 2013 (IRIN) – Sequestering refugees in rural camps is no longer the norm: The most recent estimates indicate that almost half of refugees flock to urban areas and just one third to rural camps, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). But while agencies are adjusting their approaches, they are still struggling to match their response with their policies.

UNHCR has come a long way since 1997 when its refugee response approach implied that responding to refugees in towns and cities was to be avoided. In 2009 it committed to a policy that recognized the right of displaced people to move freely, stressing that its mandate to protect refugees is not affected by their location.

There are upsides to urban support. Refugees are more likely to find work (when permitted to do so by the local authorities) and become self-sufficient in urban settings, say agencies. Because of this, though start-up costs may be higher, these should diminish over the long term. It also makes more sense for a lot of refugees who were in any case displaced from urban settings, said Jeff Crisp, head of policy development and evaluation at UNHCR.

Kellie Leeson, urban refugee strategy focal point at the International Rescue Committee (IRC), told IRIN: “Typically refugees who come to urban centres do so to find jobs – that motivation and ambition should be applauded and should spark the question: how can we take advantage of that to help them survive on their own?”

Dominique Hyde, head of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Jordan, said Syrian refugees benefited from being in urban settings: “It’s a positive. If you look at lessons learned from Iraqis in Jordan. Living conditions are more normal, you’re not in a camp setting, your movements are not restricted. Although it is more difficult to access them, they are aware through informal networks of how to access services. Urban settings are better settings for refugees.”

“If you have a camp setting, it’s easier to count people, to provide a school, to provide a health centre. But for refugees, being in their own apartment, and being able to take their own decisions with cash assistance is preferred,” she said.

Kenya

In Kenya, many of the 45,000-100,000 refugees in the capital Nairobi fled Kakuma and Dadaab camps because of insecurity and lack of employment opportunities.

Experience shows in long-term situations camp conditions progressively decline as donor interest wanes. “Even in a competitive environment like Nairobi, you can eke out a living somehow,” said Crisp.

But in December 2012 the Kenyan government ordered Nairobi-based refugees to return to Kakuma and Dadaab, following a spate of attacks in Kenya’s northeastern Somali region and in the capital, Nairobi.

IRC has found that when it comes to creating opportunities for refugees in urban settings, programmes work best when they target both host populations and refugees. This was clearly the case in Nairobi where they teamed up with NIKE which runs a micro-franchise programme to train women aged 17-19 to set up small businesses.

“We’re trying to build networks so that it isn’t about isolated groups but refugees can engage with the host communities,” said Leeson.

“Obviously refugees will have specific protection issues but in general what they want is employment, health and education – that’s what everyone wants, right?”

The difficulty is where to draw the line between responding to refugee needs and solving the problems of the urban poor, says UNHCR’s Crisp. Refugees tend to settle among other poor and vulnerable communities, including migrants, irregular migrants and rejected asylum seekers, each of which has critical needs.

Tensions are also easily raised if aid is directed at just one group.

Studies of Nairobi-based refugees have shown urban refugees often pay higher rents than Kenyans, and are charged more for public health services and education fees, according to the Overseas Development Institute’s Humanitarian Policy Group.

Inclusive programmes

In San Diego and New York City in the USA, IRC works with local authorities to access land for ex-refugees from Burkina Faso, Myanmar, Cameroon and all over, who have resettled, to grow urban gardens. So as not to aggravate tensions, and to promote inclusion, the programme invites locals to get involved too.

Responding in urban settings involves having to work with new partners, such as the municipal authorities, so that refugees are integrated into existing education and health systems, rather than creating parallel ones. “These [urban authorities] are new partners and we are in the early stages of engaging with them… it involves a big shift,” said Crisp.

Local authorities are not always open to addressing refugee needs, and may prioritize rural camps over urban-based aid, according to UNHCR.

Mauritania

In Mauritania, both the local authorities and UNHCR have pushed refugees to stay in Mbéra camp in the east, if they want to receive aid, refugee groups in the capital, Nouakchott, told IRIN.

Refugees elsewhere – including for instance, Syrian refugees in Turkey – face a similar situation.

In Mauritania some 57,000 refugees are registered at Mbéra, while refugee group the Association of Refugees and Victims of Azawad and the Urban Community of Nouakchott (CUN), which represents the nine municipal authorities of Nouakchott, estimate a further 15,000 Malians fled to the capital, but no urban registration process took place, so the number is not known.

UNHCR has no immediate plans to address Nouakchott-based refugee needs. “The authorities have been very clear – that humanitarian aid is for those who are in the camp. Our strategy here is not for urban refugees in the capital,” said Elise Villechalane, reports officer for UNHCR in Nouakchott at the end of 2012.

“Our priority is to save lives immediately. It may evolve over time, but that is the current priority.”

Malians in Nouakchott come from both the Islamist-held north and from Kati and Bamako in the south following the March 2012 military coup. Many of the refugees are ex-government officials or other individuals with some means and thus may not be eligible in any case, for vulnerability-led aid, noted refugee groups.

Refugees who reach capital cities often create a “self-selection process” as they tend to be more educated and have more means to get to the capital in the first place.

However, agencies have moved away from making the assumption that only “young able-bodied men reach capital cities”, said Crisp. “We know they are a diverse group made up of women, children, men, people with disabilities, and other vulnerabilities.”

Many Malians arrived in Nouakchott with nothing, having used their resources to get there, said Zakiatou Oualette Alatine, an ex-Malian minister in Kati, and now spokesperson for the Association of Refugees and Victims of Azawad. “Many of us arrived empty-handed. Some of the young have found jobs but many of them are exploited as they don’t have refugee status. Most rely on extended family. A minority begs for money,” Kati told IRIN.

Both she and Safia Mint Moulay, representative of Karama, an association that represents Malian refugees in Nouakchott, said what urban refugees need most is identification papers. Without refugee cards they are unable to get a job or attend school, said Moulay. “These people have real needs… Getting their papers – that is the key to everything. If they have papers then they have a right to receive food aid, blankets, shelter and protection,” she said.

These refugees do not want to go to Mbéra as they will not be able to work at all, said Alatine. Refugees have criticized life in the camps and the lack of schools.

CUN, alongside the international association of francophone mayors, gave 60,000 euros (US$78,500) for food for urban refugees, said Mohamed Fouad Berrad, CUN’s presidential adviser, but resources would need to come from elsewhere in future.

Shift in mind-set required

Getting urban refugee responses right requires a shift in mind-set, says IRC’s Leeson. “We can’t say let’s just do what we did before and translate it to an urban setting. We need to be more thoughtful about what we are doing.”

Too often refugees flee insecurity in camps only to face new forms of insecurity in cities, say refugee agencies. Urban refugees are often highly mobile and invisible, making them hard to protect. A study of Nairobi-based refugees by the Humanitarian Policy Group, IRC and the Refugee Consortium of Kenya, noted urban refugees were too fearful of deportation to make themselves visible and demand their rights. Host states must be pressured into recognizing refugee rights to protection and giving them a clearer legal status, the report recommends.

Refugee associations in Nouakchott have been campaigning with the government, but little has shifted, they said.

UNHCR is still learning but the organization has put more time and resources into turning its urban refugee policy into practice than almost any other strategy, said Crisp.

“We are still in a transitional phrase. It isn’t quite prominent yet for everyone. But we need to get everyone orientated to the urban context,” he said.

The agency is collating best practice from urban responses globally, including in Malaysia, Ethiopia, Uganda, Ecuador, India, Tajikistan and Bulgaria, which will be available on a database this year.

To turn such best practice into a systematic reality will inevitably require more resources, Crisp noted. UNHCR launched record-level appeals amounting to US$3.6 billion in 2012, due to several high-profile refugee crises, and the funding is not in place to allocate or train staff dedicated specifically to addressing the challenges of urban response.

From IRIN: Humanitaian News and Analysis, a service of the UN office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

aj/eo/mk/cb