Monthly Archives: June 2013

Le migrant n’est pas un criminel

Gilles Toussaint

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La politique de l’Union européenne de régulation des flux migratoires est axée sur le répressif et le sécuritaire. Elle bafoue trop souvent les droits fondamentaux des migrants, notamment en recourant à la détention systématique.

Rapporteur spécial des Nations unies sur les droits de l’homme des migrants, François Crépeau faisait escale au Parlement européen ce jeudi. Il y a présenté les résultats de son enquête sur la situation des droits des migrants aux frontières de l’Union. Un bilan loin d’être rose.

Les ONG de défense des droits de l’homme parlent d’une “Europe forteresse”. Cela repose-t-il sur des faits avérés ?

Cette qualification est évidemment un terme “médiadégradable” facilement compréhensible par tout le monde. Mais une chose est sûre : la conception qu’ont la plupart des Etats européens de la question migratoire aujourd’hui est une conception sécuritaire. Ils ne sont pas les seuls, c’est vrai partout dans le monde. Ce n’était pas le cas il y a 30 ans.

On a le sentiment que la politique de l’UE est focalisée sur ce pan sécuritaire, mais qu’elle oublie l’autre volet de sa mission qui est d’aider les migrants dont la présence sur le territoire européen peut se justifier…

La question des droits fondamentaux a été perdue de vue dans ce débat sécuritaire sur l’immigration. On oublie que les migrants – y compris ceux en situation irrégulière – ont les mêmes droits fondamentaux que les citoyens à l’exception du doit de voter et d’être élu; et du droit d’entrer et de rester sur le territoire. Quand on caractérise ces derniers comme des illégaux, c’est souvent pour connoter le fait qu’ils n’auraient aucun droit. C’est là qu’il y a un problème, ils devraient être traités exactement comme les autres citoyens. Cette conception a été perdue de vue, alors même que l’Europe possède un énorme bagage et une vaste jurisprudence en matière de protection des droits fondamentaux.

Ne règne-t-il pas une certaine opacité autour des conditions de rétention de ces personnes qui, a priori, n’ont rien commis de répréhensible ?

Ce que vous venez de dire est très important. Le migrant en situation irrégulière n’est pas un criminel. L’entrée irrégulière ou le séjour irrégulier est une violation d’une règle administrative, mais ce n’est pas un crime. Cela ne justifie pas nécessairement un enfermement. La détention préventive pour ces personnes, comme pour tout un chacun, n’est justifiée que si elles représentent un danger pour elles-mêmes ou pour d’autres ou si elles risquent de ne pas se représenter à une procédure ultérieure à laquelle elles sont convoquées. La Directive Retour européenne prévoit d’ailleurs que la détention soit un acte de dernier recours et qu’il faut donc utiliser d’autres moyens avant d’en arriver là. Il existe diverses alternatives pour éviter de détenir les gens quand ce n’est pas nécessaire.

Il y a un souci de ce point de vue ?

Oui. Sur le terrain nous n’avons pas observé de la part des Etats la mise en place de ces mécanismes alternatifs. On a également pu constater que les droits des enfants sont mal respectés. J’ai visité des centres en Grèce et en Italie et, de l’autre côté de la frontière, en Tunisie et en Turquie. Et j’ai vu des mineurs partout, particulièrement en Grèce.

Les ONG estiment que certaines opérations de Frontex(1) sont contraires au principe de non-refoulement inscrit dans le droit européen. Partagez-vous ce sentiment ?

Cette protection s’applique aux personnes qui risquent d’être persécutées dans leur pays ou qui s’exposent à des traitements dégradants – par exemple, le fait de ne pas pouvoir être soigné dans de bonnes conditions. Mais ce principe ne peut être mis en œuvre que si quelqu’un de compétent vérifie dans chaque cas s’il y a un besoin de protection. Cela peut-être le HCR, la Croix-Rouge, un personnel spécialisé formé pour cela mais il faut qu’il y ait une évaluation individuelle. Or dans les cas de détention massive que nous avons analysés, cela n’a pas été fait.Autre exemple : l’Italie a passé des accords bilatéraux avec la Tunisie, et l’Egypte pour le renvoi extrêmement rapide (moins de 72 h) de ressortissants de ces pays interceptés en mer. Ils sont amenés dans des centres de détention ad hoc, c’est-à-dire un hangar réquisitionné, et ensuite à l’aéroport de Palerme où deux charters sont affrétés par semaine. Mais aucun des organes qui a pour mission de faire les visites d’évaluation dans ce type de centre n’y a accès. Je n’ai rien contre un renvoi rapide, cela ne sert à rien de donner aux gens l’illusion qu’ils ont le droit de rester quand ce n’est pas le cas. Mais on ne peut pas le faire sans vérifier s’ils n’ont pas besoin de protection.

Pourquoi l’Europe attire-t-elle les migrations irrégulières ?

Parce qu’il y a un bassin d’emplois pour l’immigration exploitable. Il y a des employeurs en Europe dont la compétitivité est assurée parce qu’ils utilisent des gens à 3€ de l’heure dans le secteur agricole, de la construction et autres. Si nous ne payons par la barquette de fraises 17 €, c’est parce des migrants acceptent de travailler 10h par jour dans les champs pour 20€, comme j’ai pu le voir en Italie.

Tant que l’on n’a pas une ouverture à la migration légale pour ces besoins du marché du travail européen, les migrants continueront à arriver irrégulièrement parce que ces employeurs ont de toute façon besoin d’eux. Et plus la frontière est difficile à franchir, plus ils sont en situation vulnérable et facilement exploitables parce qu’ils ne votent pas, ils ne protestent pas et ne se plaignent pas. C’est un cercle vicieux. Il faut diminuer les facteurs d’exploitation et mettre en place un accès à la justice et aux services publics pour que ces personnes reçoivent le soutien nécessaire sans crainte d’être arrêtées et renvoyées chez eux.

The Imperfect Immigrants

Timothy Egan

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VISNJA GORA, Slovenia — Exactly 100 years ago a man of 22 left this village on the eve of a great war to build a life in the United States. To Ignac Vrhovec, the tired old ground of his homeland was tangled in his ancestors’ encumbrances and spent by time. After he left, much of that land would change hands, from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to Italy, to Nazi Germany.

He traveled from an eyeblink of a town created in 1478 to a sprawling nation not even half as old. According to family lore, he arrived in the United States with only one thing of value: an heirloom earring, to be sold if he was desperate for return money. Over time, he made a home in Minnesota, started a family, became a success — the story of the American Becoming, the only difference being that Vrhovec was Slovenian, a distinct minority in the stew of our country’s immigrants.

A few days ago I went to Vrhovec’s village with his granddaughter, Lisa Verhovek, and her husband, Sam (the surname’s spelling was modified at entry, and Sam, a former Times reporter, took his wife’s name). The clouds hung low over the forested hills and when they fell away, we caught views of fresh snow in the Julian Alps to the north. Our hosts brought out dried meat and apricots, and we drank a stiff mountain blueberry wine while trying to talk through the years.

In many ways, it was the perfect reverse journey: an American trying to understand more about herself by touching the stone of her grandfather’s home and connecting to lost kin. But it was not without surprises — in what had become of the side of the family that stayed behind, and the elliptical tales of the young man who walked away from this village in 1913. Vrhovec, like so many American patriarchs, left a past full of permanent mystery.

When I had tried to retrace the steps of my own Irish Catholic forebears, I found that the first American on my father’s side had most likely slipped over a porous border from Canada into Michigan, without official sanction. He was the imperfect immigrant. Today, you would call him illegal, and somebody with a talk radio show would be railing about how his “type” were ruining the country.

At a moment when the United States is poised to do something historic about immigration, it’s worth unearthing the exact details of how Egans, Vrhovecs and millions of others came to America. Very few were on the Mayflower’s manifest. Very few were perfect citizens. They were ordinary only in the way of all people who left behind extraordinary circumstances. Their secrets, in many cases, did not travel with them.

Today, many Republicans, cornered into rethinking their absolutist position by the nation’s inevitable demographics, still oppose a pathway to citizenship for undocumented people who have been in the United States for years. They want storybook immigrants, nothing less — a blanket fantasy. Of course, there are those who waited in line, and had the money or connections or smarts to come into the country clean. But so many others, who are productive, proud Americans in every way but their citizenship papers, started their new lives in the shadows.

Slovenia, the land of Lisa Verhovek’s ancestors, has been independent only since 1991. A country of two million people virtually unknown to most Americans, it has seen many sons and daughters walk away. An immigrant might have been a third child in line, facing a future without a stake in the family farm — the curse of old-world primogeniture. Or he may have been nothing more than an able-bodied male, which meant conscription to an army that couldn’t care less for your stories, your songs, your foods. In every immigrant’s saga, the reason to leave is stronger than the ties that bind.

And throughout Europe today, where so many young people face a bleak, even hopeless future, with unemployment for those under age 30 at Depression-era levels, you see and hear the same stirrings that motivated the 22-year-old from Visnja Gora. As well, history is never far below the surface in the former Yugoslavia: what your father or grandfather did in World War II, or before, when alliances were tangled, is reason for old grudges to fester.

For the American woman returned to her family home, it is enough simply to walk on ground that has long been trampled by Vrhovec feet, to embrace a cousin with the same cheekbones, to visit a graveyard holding generations. The home where Lisa’s grandfather was born, a farm on a steep hill, is empty now and mildewed, with weeds growing from the roof. It seemed sad and cast-away on a misty Saturday afternoon.

But the surrounding countryside is green, overgrown from a springtime of heavy rain, and gardens are planted, full of promise. There are enough children in the village to fill a school — the best sign of tomorrow.

We sat with a young Slovenian friend, Ziga Pirnat, with the translator skills of a scholar and the sensitive ear of a diplomat, and heard fragments upon fragments of stories. It was hard to know the truth. But even with the gaping holes in the forgotten early life of Ignac Vrhovec, you could not help being proud of his old country, for giving us a founding American family, and of his new country, for taking him in.

(Article first published 30 may 2013 in The New York Times)

June 17th: Stop Cuts to Refugee Health Care

nonameDespite widespread opposition from a broad group of health care workers across Canada, the federal government has implemented cuts to health insurance for refugees. As predicted, many are suffering as a result. There have been well documented cases of people being denied care including pregnant women and sick children. Over 20 national health care organizations including the Canadian Medical Association, Canadian Nurses Association and the College of Family Physicians of Canada have issued statements against the cuts

Health care workers join others in continuing to speak out for those who do not have the opportunity to do so. Join us on June 17th for the second National Day of Action against refugee health cuts. It is an opportunity to show the Federal Government that Canadians will stand up for the most vulnerable among us. We will not allow for this ill advised policy to continue to harm refugees without adding our voice to those opposing these cuts. We will be persistent in drawing attention to this issue.

Health care workers and others will be staging protests across Canada. The protests are being sponsored by the Canadian Doctors for Refugee Care. To date, events are planned in the following cities:

Vancouver,Calgary, Edmonton, Saskatoon,Winnipeg, Kitchener, Hamilton, Kingston, Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, Halifax, St. John’s.

In Toronto, join your colleagues in front of the CIC office at 25 St Clair Avenue East on June 17th at noon. If you are a health care worker please wear a whitelab coat. All are welcome. We are asking those attending not to bring banners of organizations to which they may belong or represent. We want to clearly show that we are individual health care workers concerned about the cuts to IFH and are not driven by groups with broader or different political agendas. It is imperative that we have a large turn out. We look forward to seeing you there

Please forward this email to your networks.

Meb Rashid MD

Philip Berger MD

on behalf of the Canadian Doctors for Refugee Care

 

 

Canadian Immigration: Family Reunification for the Rich and the Lucky

No One Is Illegal – Toronto responds to the May 2013 changes to the Parent and Grandparent Program for Sponsorship

Last week, under the guise of “re-opening” family reunification, Immigration Minister Jason Kenney revealed significant changes to the Parent and Grandparent sponsorship program, once again making it harder for families to be reunited in Canada. With more exclusive conditions, only the wealthy or the lucky ones who make the first-come-first-served cut-off will be reunited with families, leaving behind the thousands who have been waiting for the past 10 years.

In 2011, Minister Kenney imposed a two-year freeze on immigration applications from parents and grandparents, shutting out the 165,000 people who had applied under the program many of whom had been waiting over eight years. Under the new restrictions, most of these families will remain shut out.

There is no compassion in the details. Starting Jan. 1, 2014, only 5,000 new applications will be accepted per year. This means the vast majority of immigrants will be unable to re-join their families.

Sponsors must prove minimum incomes that are 30% higher than before ($55,000 per household) and promise to be financially responsible for their loved ones for 20 years, rather than the current 10. Children, who used to be eligible for sponsorship as long as they were still in school, will now be excluded if over the age of 18, many of whom may still be dependent on their families’ support.

The “Super Visa” for parents and grandparents established after the fixture is now a permanent fixture. This is essentially a new temporary work program. The lucky holders of the Super Visa will be permitted to make multiple entries over a 10 year period, and remain in Canada for 2 years at a time but can’t stay permanently. Parents and grandparents who arrive here on this visa will be unable to get public healthcare and must access private insurance. Their sponsoring children must also meet a minimum income requirement. Add the costs of shuttling parents, grandparents and children back and forth between countries, and its clear this program is only meant for the wealthy.

Do not be fooled by the advertised “generosity” and “humanitarianism” of the Canadian immigration system. We have seen more than a 25% reduction to refugee acceptances, and the 73% drop in the number of permanent residents receiving Canadian citizenship since the conservatives came to power. There has been a dramatic shift from permanent residency to permanent temporariness. Hundreds of thousands of temporary migrant workers, many of whom are people of colour, fill the most precarious of jobs, pay millions into the social system, and yet they are unable to access essential health care, social assistance, employment insurance, and worker protection. Even if they get immigration status, they will be unlikely to bring over their families. Kenney is telling these people – those who grow our food, take care of our kids, clean our dishes, and form the basis of our economy – that they can work here but aren’t good enough to stay or be with their families.

Under this immigration system of increased temporariness, we will be seeing more and more immigrants – including children making the difficult decision to stay in Canada after the immigration system arbitrarily denies them more permits. Many of them will face detention, and deportation. It is not that our families are stealing Canadian resources; rather Canada is stealing immigration status and their humanity.

We demand an end to an immigration system that criminalizes refugees, imprisons immigrants, exploits migrant workers, punishes poor and people of colour, tears families apart, and prevents families from reuniting. Our communities are not fooled by the rhetoric of Jason Kenney, nor we will we be kept apart from our loved ones. We demand the immediate establishment of a non-discriminatory, non-punitive, full and comprehensive immigrant regularization system.

Freedom to move, freedom to stay, freedom to return.

Freedom to reunite! No One Is Illegal!

Savage Minds Interview: Sarah Kendzior

Sarah Kendzior is a writer for Al Jazeera English. She has a PhD in cultural anthropology from Washington University and researches the political effects of digital media in the former USSR. You can find her work at sarahkendzior.com, and on Twitter: @sarahkendzior

Ryan Anderson:  First of all, thanks for doing this interview.  Let’s start off with the basics:  Why anthropology?  How and why did you end up in this field?

Sarah Kendzior: I got interested in anthropology while working as a research assistant for an anthropologist, Nazif Shahrani, while getting my MA in Central Eurasian Studies at Indiana University. Before I was an anthropologist, I was a journalist, but I was frustrated with the superficiality of foreign coverage. Journalists often cover foreign conflicts without knowing foreign languages, talking to local people, or examining the history and culture of the place they visit. I wanted to do things differently.

In 2004, I used to joke that anthropology was journalism with more work and less money. Of course, now there is no money in journalism either, but my point still stands. Ethnography is journalism that takes too long. I mean that not pejoratively but as an affirmation of the discipline’s values –– long-term observation; scrutiny of methodological practice; respect for history; commitment to understanding local beliefs and traditions.

I got spoiled working for Dr. Shahrani. He is an outspoken intellectual who spares no criticism of systems that he finds corrupt – including academia. He saw anthropology not as an abstraction removed from public life, but as a source of insight from which the public could benefit. In 2004, at the height of the “war on terror” and political propaganda against Muslims, this seemed a worthy goal. Dr. Shahrani is also very funny and honest and therefore left me with an erroneous impression of what anthropology, as a disciplinary institution, is like.  I applied to PhD programs in the fall of 2005. In my application essay, I wrote: “I am not only interested in writing about the world, but for it as well.” This is still true. In retrospect, it is surprising I got in so many places.

RA: And how was your experience in graduate school?  What’s your overall assessment of grad student life in anthropology?

SK: I can’t separate my grad school experience from other things going on in my life at the time. During graduate school I wrote six peer-reviewed journal articles, one policy paper, one dissertation – and had two children. My daughter was born at the end of my first year, in 2007, and my son was born as I finished my dissertation in 2011.

I was not a typical graduate student, and I didn’t have a typical graduate student life, so I’m probably not the best person to assess it. But on a personal level, it was fine. Because I’ve written critically about academia, people tend to assume I had a bad time in graduate school. This is not the case. I entered academia from the working world — graduate school felt like a luxury. My department supports its students well, and I had free tuition, a decent stipend, research money, and travel money for conferences. I worked on my own time on projects of my own choosing. I love to research and write and I enjoyed writing the dissertation.

Graduate school was easy. It was the non-existent future that I was working toward that was the problem. Every grad school path is unique, but almost all lead to the same dead end: a contingency market in which you must have both personal wealth and a willingness to accept your own exploitation to stay in the game.

I would never tell anyone not to go to graduate school. It is a personal decision, and there are many reasons to go. But I would tell them not to go to graduate school believing that your performance in graduate school has anything to do with your ability to find a full-time academic job. Academia is closer to a Ponzi scheme than a meritocracy.

RA: Looking back, is there anything you would change about your experiences in graduate school?  Anything that you think should be done differently about how we train and teach graduate students?

SK: Graduate students live in constant fear. Some of this fear is justified, like the fear of not finding a job. But the fear of unemployment leads to a host of other fears, and you end up with a climate of conformity, timidity, and sycophantic emulation. Intellectual inquiry is suppressed as “unmarketable”, interdisciplinary research is marked as disloyal, public engagement is decried as “unserious”, and critical views are written anonymously lest a search committee find them. I saw the best minds of my generation destroyed by the Academic Jobs Wiki.

The cult mentality of academia not only curtails intellectual freedom, but hurts graduate students in a personal way. They internalize systemic failure as individual failure, in part because they have sacrificed their own beliefs and ideas to placate market values. The irony is that an academic market this corrupt and over-saturated has no values. Do not sacrifice your integrity to a lottery — even if you are among the few who can afford to buy tickets until you win.

Anthropology PhDs tend to wind up as contingent workers because they believe they have no other options. This is not true – anthropologists have many skills and could do many things – but there are two main reasons they think so. First, they are conditioned to see working outside of academia as failure. Second, their graduate training is not oriented not toward intellectual exploration, but to shoring up a dying discipline.

Gillian Tett famously said that anthropology has committed intellectual suicide. Graduate students are taught to worship at its grave. The aversion to interdisciplinary work, to public engagement, to new subjects, to innovation in general, is wrapped up in the desire to affirm anthropology’s special relevance. Ironically, this is exactly what makes anthropology irrelevant to the larger world. No one outside the discipline cares about your jargon, your endless parenthetical citations, your paywalled portfolio, your quiet compliance. They care whether you have ideas and can communicate them. Anthropologists have so much to offer, but they hide it away.

I got a lot of bad advice in graduate school, but the most depressing was from a professor who said: “Don’t use up all your ideas before you’re on the tenure track.” I was assumed to have a finite number of ideas, and my job as a scholar was to withhold them, revealing them only when it benefited me professionally. The life of the mind was a life of pandering inhibition.

I ignored this along with other advice – don’t get pregnant, don’t get pregnant (again), don’t study the internet, don’t study an authoritarian regime – and I am glad I did. Graduate students need to be their own mentors. They should worry less about pleasing people who disrespect them and more about doing good work.

Because in the end, that is what you are left with – your work. The more you own that, the better off you will be. In the immortal words of Whitney Houston: “No matter what they take from me, they can’t take away my dignity.” And in the equally immortal words of Whitney Houston: “Kiss my ass.” Both sentiments are helpful for navigating graduate school.

Academic training does not need to change so much as academic careerism. There is little sense in embracing careerism when hardly anyone has a career. But graduate school can still have value. Take advantage of your time in school to do something meaningful, and then share it with the world.

RA: How have things been for you since you graduated?  What has it been like to move beyond graduate school and academia?

SK: I’m not sure becoming the poster girl for the collapse of higher education means moving beyond academia, but overall things have gone well — albeit not in a way I had expected. I did an interview on this topic for From PhD to Life, and people can read about it there.

RA: Earlier you mentioned an adviser who sees anthropology as something that should not be removed from public life–as something that can benefit the public.  Do you share a similar vision of the discipline?  What’s your take on the role of anthropology in public life?

SK: Anthropology benefits the public. Unfortunately, it is blocked from the public, and anthropologists who engage with the public – people like David Graeber – tend to be shunned by other anthropologists, to the point where they lose their jobs. This makes younger anthropologists afraid of public engagement, even though they have valuable insights to share.

Anthropologists complain about politics and the media, but they rarely engage with either. Then they wonder why their voices are not being heard. The most obvious way anthropologists can increase their influence is by writing online. I don’t mean writing in places like Anthropology News — where you have to pay an exorbitant membership fee to leave a comment – but on real blogs, on Twitter, on mainstream media sites, and in open access journals. Publishing reprints of paywalled articles is also a good idea, and is usually legal after a period of time. I did an interview about the benefits of reprinting journal articles online with Academia.edu, which you can read here.

Anthropologists tend to forget that tenets basic to our discipline – for example, that race is a social construct and not a biological determinant of behavior – come as revelations to a lot of people. Issues of racial and religious discrimination are among the many areas where anthropologists can have a powerful voice.

I recently wrote an article for Al Jazeera, “The Wrong Kind of Caucasian”, that had a complicated premise but a simple conclusion: do not condemn people on the basis of their ethnic background or country of origin. It was read by half a million people and shared on Facebook 57,000 times. I got letters from people saying I had changed their preconceptions and that they were going to keep an open mind about race, ethnicity and immigration. It felt good to make a difference at a politically heated time.

Academics justify the paywall system by saying the public is not interested in academic research. I argue that the public has had no opportunity to decide for themselves, since access to research has always been blocked. But I have faith in the ability of non-academics to understand and appreciate academic work. Given our current political and economic situation, anthropology may be of particular interest. More than any other discipline, it tackles issues of power and corruption, paying attention not only to the powerful, but to the struggling and marginalized.

Except, of course, when it comes to the struggling and marginalized anthropologists. Rarely have I seen a group more oblivious to their own hypocrisy than the “enlightened” anthropologists ignoring the adjunct crisis. You would think such incredible structural inequality would be interesting, at least, to the anthropological mind. I know it is interesting to me.

RA: You’re writing for a lot of non-academic venues these days–Al Jazeera and so on.  How is this different from writing for academic venues and audiences?

SK: Hundreds of thousands of people read it. That is the main difference. I still write on many of the topics I studied while getting my PhD — digital media, politics, Central Asia. Stylistically, there is little difference between my Al Jazeera articles and my academic articles. The idea that academic writing needs to be abstruse is a myth. I had a pretty easy time publishing in academia — no reviewer criticized my writing style or suggested I use more jargon.

Because so many people read my work, I get a lot more feedback. Sometimes it is overwhelming. Al Jazeera is a great place to write because it has a huge international audience – I get email and tweets from people around the world, and like hearing their perspectives

That said, I enjoyed academic writing too. I don’t find it hard to move between different audiences, in part because I don’t make a distinction. Many of the people who like my Al Jazeera articles are academics; many of the people who like my academic articles are not.

RA: Above, you highlighted the fact that many anthropologists complain about their voices not being heard, yet ironically they often don’t engage much with politics or the media.  To me, this persistent disengagement paves the way for attacks on social science by the likes of Tom Coburn and Florida Governor Rick Scott.  We’ve essentially dug our own grave when it comes to public engagement–it’s easy to discount a highly insular, often silent discipline that few people have ever heard anything about.  So, in order to wrap up this interview I am going to ask you two simple questions that I hear all the time from non-anthropologists:  1) Anthropology?  What the hell is anthropology?; and 2) What are you going to do with that?

SK: You are right that academics’ lack of public engagement opens the door to political attacks. I wrote an article about this for Al Jazeera called Academic funding and the public interest.

I’m not going to answer “What is anthropology?” No one cares about our ontological debates. But here is how I would explain cultural anthropology to a layperson:

All of the social sciences – history, political science, economics, etc – study how people behave, form groups, and build a society. Each social science has its own way of figuring this out. Anthropologists believe the best way to find out what someone is thinking is to ask them. We respect that people in another community understand their own way of life better than outsiders do. We observe a community for a long period of time so that we don’t come away with hasty generalizations. We are careful when we write about others to put their words and their views before our own.

When you study anthropology, you learn about people and places that you might not otherwise. Anthropologists write about everyone – powerful and powerless, rich and poor, all races and nationalities. They explore how political decisions affect ordinary people, and how ordinary people influence politics. They look at how public perception is shaped, how social trends emerge, and how movements are formed. They ask what people expect from life, and what happens when they don’t get it.

Anthropology has a reputation for being exotic. But the point of anthropology is that exoticism fades when you get to know someone. Bigotry and prejudice fade too, which is why anthropologists used to be influential in reshaping ideas about race and ethnicity.

Anthropologists are interested in why people believe lies. For example, a large percent of Americans believe that Obama is a Muslim born in Kenya. For an anthropologist, it would not be enough to note that this is factually incorrect. They want to know why so many people believe it is true.

Anthropologists understand that the world often doesn’t run on facts, but on dreams and delusions, hopes and fears, imagination and ambition. They don’t dismiss anything as unimportant.

***

Now onto your second question — what are you going to do with that? First of all, higher education and the economy are both such disasters that you cannot assume any major or degree will guarantee you a good, secure life. STEM, liberal arts, law – no profession is safe. Industries are disappearing or being restructured out of existence. Practical training you get in college will likely be useless ten years from now. There are no safe bets.

So what is the point of an education? The point is to think critically, become an informed citizen, gain some specialized knowledge, gain broader insight into the world, and communicate well. Some people will say they don’t need to go to college to do this. I actually agree with that. But since college is a prerequisite for most jobs, you might as well get a solid education.

The best education is a broad education with an emphasis on primary sources, debate, and writing skills. I recommend that people study anthropology, but they should also study history, literature, religion, art, science, economics, sociology, political science, and other subjects. The constant assertion of disciplinary superiority is self-defeating. If the social sciences want to win the battle against people who want to defund us, we need to band together. We also would benefit intellectually if we read work outside our discipline and showed tolerance for alternate approaches.

I study Central Asia, a region of the world that is so understudied that there is a very small body of anthropological literature. As a result, most anthropologists draw not only from anthropological studies, but from the work of sociologists, historians, geographers and others. We also tend to read and cite non-academic work, since data on Central Asia is so limited. We have a supportive research community and no one’s knowledge is dismissed out of hand because of their background.

I also study the internet, and so I read broadly in communication, sociology, humanities and other fields. Yet when I write an article for an anthropology journal, I am expected to cite only other anthropologists. When I co-wrote a mixed-methods article with a quantitative communications scholar, and we got it published in the top communications journal, I was told by some anthropologists to leave it off my CV, because it showed I was interested in something other than anthropology. This is ridiculous. There is no need for this insecurity masked as insularity.

Anthropology is struggling as a discipline because anthropologists bank on a lofty reputation that they don’t really have while simultaneously shielding their work from the public. The public is not going to believe you have something worthy to say when you refuse to let them in on the conversation. Don’t be so afraid, anthropologists. You of all people should know the world is not what it seems.

 

Time for US immigration reform?

We discuss whether the Barack Obama administration is doing enough for migrants in the United States.

 

The group tried to take their fight directly to the US president, calling for immediate action after he declined a similar request to halt deportations earlier this year, saying he is focused on “getting reform passed, and not easing up on enforcement”. However more than 400,000 people were deported from the US last year – a record high.

Next month, the US Senate is expected to begin debating a bill that is heavy on enforcement. The proposal was put together by a group of Republicans and Democrats.

It would put 11 million undocumented migrants on a path towards citizenship but only after border security provisions are met, including the deployment of the National Guard to build a border fence along the US-Mexico border as well as the funding of more than 3,500 customs agents.

Only after such security measures are enforced will undocumented workers have a chance to gain legal status in the US.

Nonetheless migrants have proven to be very supportive of the American economy.

A study led by researchers at Harvard Medical School measured immigrants’ contributions to the government-administered fund that covers hospital care for the elderly.

It found that immigrants generated surpluses ranging from $11bn to $17bn every year between 2002 and 2009. This led to an overall surplus of more than $115bn. During the same period, people born in the US incurred a deficit of $28bn.

Non-citizens contributed most of the surplus from immigrants due to the high proportion of working-age taxpayers in this group.

One group, strongly in favour of immigration reform, the ‘Nuns on the Bus’, have been outspoken on a range of social issues. On Wednesday, they embarked on a national tour to put forward the case for change. On Thursday, they held a rally near Capitol Hill in Washington.

“The current proposal that passed out in the Senate committee is a significant step forward, it deals with all of the key issues … I’ll tell you, we cannot afford to lose this opportunity,” Sister Simone Campbell, the executive director of Network, the Catholic justice group that organised the tour, told Al Jazeera.

“We have got to make sure that comprehensive immigration reform passes, passes soon and well, the basic bill is fine, it will be a significant step forward … and later we can worry about tweaking some details, but we got to accomplish it now.

“Immigration absolutely is a moral issue, because we have a moral responsibility to care for all …. But it is also smart economics, because one out of four businesses in the US is started by an immigrant, and the last time we did immigration reform in 96 the economy grew, because immigrants where then able to fully participate, engage in our society, start businesses, employ people, pay taxes, and be a full participating part of our community,” she added.

So, will migrants’ voices ever be heard in the US? Can a reasonable immigration bill be passed in Congress? And can this be achieved under Obama’s administration?

To discuss this, Inside Story Americas, with presenter Shihab Rattansi, is joined by guests: Uriel Sanchez-Molina, one of the 12 immigrant activists arrested (and later released) on Wednesday; Lanae Erickson, the deputy director of the Social Policy and Politics Program at the Third Way think tank; and Sarahi Uribe, the national campaign coordinator for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network.

“I did participate, I did get arrested yesterday, and was later released that same day … and it was really to bring attention to the fact that the president is going to be coming into town, he is going to be blocking traffic coming in through Chicago, and at the same time we are doing the same thing, but really there’s very different reasons. There’s a president that is coming in to remobalise his Democratic base … and then there’s us. Mobilising is really based in trying to get the president to hear us out, and listen to us, because we are speaking out and we are speaking out very loudly.”

– Uriel Sanchez-Molina, activist and one of those arrested on Wednesday

Al Jazeera

Palestinian pawns: Egypt’s refugees

Author visits the “informal village” of Palestinians with no basic rights – not even official refugee status.

Sarah Mousa graduated from Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs in 2010, and was a 2010-2011 Fulbright Scholar in Egypt

 

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While Palestinians commemorate the 1948 “ethnic cleansing” of Palestine – the Nakba – the “catastrophe” neither started that year nor has it ended. The Palestinian people have suffered for generations. Today, they continue to be treated as second class citizens in their own homes, denied basic rights of mobility and secure livelihoods in the occupied Gaza Strip and the West Bank and live precariously in refugee camps in Lebanon, Syria and Jordan.

The Egyptian role in Palestine has historically differed from its Arab neighbours. In 1948, Egypt was the only country to close its borders to Palestinians, out of a principled interest in keeping Palestinians within their nation. The policy was in some ways long-sighted, as many of those who fled in 1948 have not been allowed to go back. It has often been suggested that the relative dearth of Palestinians in Egypt, or the higher socio-economic status of this group, could be attributed to this policy.

Palestinian refugees in Egypt

Recently, however, Arab activists have stumbled upon a sizeable group of 1948 Palestinian refugees in Egypt. A few months ago, a group of four Palestinian and Egyptian friends came across the mention of a mass exodus of Palestinians from Bir il-Saba’ village in 1948; the refugees were said to have gone to Egypt. The friends found it strange, as they and others had persistently inquired about the existence of Palestinian refugee groups in Egypt at the Palestinian embassy and organisations in Cairo. They called on others to help them locate this community, which they eventually tracked down.

A few hours north of Cairo, in the Nile Delta governorate of Sharqiya, is the village of Gezirat Fadel. It is aptly named “Gezira” – island – because of its physical isolation at the time of its foundation, and Fadel after the name of one of the founders of the village. For the past 65 years, this village has been almost completely off the radar, by choice or ignorance, of any institution – whether be it the Egyptian or Palestinian authorities, non-governmental organisations or activists.

Neither the village nor the people are officially recognised by the Egyptian government, and thus the informal village is left with no infrastructure or public services, and the people with no basic rights – not even official refugee status. Since locating the village, the friends have visited it several times, gathering information on its history and current conditions, and have been lobbying Arab and Egyptian media to shed light on the neglected community.

For the anniversary of the Nakba, they called on other activists to join them to visit Gezirat Fadel, to commemorate the occasion and convey the simple message that this community of refugees would not be forgotten. As Syrine, a Palestinian activist from Jerusalem, put it: “These people, the refugees, are the biggest victims of the Nakba. They are the ones we should commemorate it with.”

I joined over 80 activists, who were predominantly Egyptian and Palestinian, but included Swedes, French, Iranians and others. On an early Friday morning, the buses drove out of Cairo, past the lush Delta fields, through the busy Sharqiya capital of Zaqaziq, and on to a dirt road that eventually became too narrow for the buses to continue.

The activists descended from the buses with dozens of Egyptian and Palestinian flags in hand and a banner that read:

“In memory of the Nakba, Gezirat Fadel will no longer be forgotten. Egypt and Palestine, one people, one struggle. From Egypt to Palestine, the revolution continues and will prevail. We will return, one day, to Bir il-Saba’.”

As we walked towards the village, the path, filled with rubbish and lined with mud brick walls, was an indicator of what lie ahead. After a 20-minute walk, clay houses and Palestinian flags waving from hay rooftops appeared. The villagers, overwhelmingly young children, were excited by the news of visitors and lined the streets, Palestinian kufiyas draped from their necks and greeted us in their mixed rural Palestinian-Egyptian dialect.

While the trip was primarily humanitarian in purpose – the group came with toys for the children and doctors who paid house visits – the political nature of it was effusive. Though the organisers insisted upon the independence of the initiative, the identity of involved activists as core actors from the ongoing Egyptian revolution was belied either subtly or quite explicitly as it appeared on the banner. The ideals of the Arab uprising – ones that insist uncompromisingly on freedom and social justice – translate very directly into political stances which in the case of Palestine not only oppose Israeli forces’ brutality, but also reject intermediaries and facilitators of ongoing occupation and displacement, Palestinian authorities included.

Mired in poverty

In Gezirat Fadel too, politics was palpable. It became starkly apparent throughout the day that the isolation of this village has nothing to do with geography or ignorance, but rather has been constructed by Egyptian and Palestinian authorities and beneficiaries.

As we entered the village, we were greeted by a village head, the “omdeh“. One of the few educated members of the village, he works in Cairo and dressed in a suit that contrasted with a population where village elders were donned in traditional Palestinian dress and others in simple, often tattered clothing.

Standing on an elevated veranda before the villagers and visitors, the omdeh proceeded to warmly welcome the activists and referred to the Nakba as a celebration, a marker of the day that Palestinians will return to their homes, with all the embellishments of Arab oratory. The omdeh described the village in shining terms, claiming that villagers earn decent incomes and thanked for the support from Palestinian authorities and the Egyptians who have welcomed them as “guests”.

The performance stood in stark contrast to the private interactions of the omdeh with organising activists and with the realities of village life. The refugee audience was markedly acquiescent as the omdeh spoke. Among the crowd, an event organiser spotted an employee from the Palestinian embassy in Cairo.

The activists had brawled with the employee days before in Cairo, over the embassy’s persistent denial of the existence of a Palestinian refugee community in Egypt, despite evidence that the embassy had direct ties with the village omdeh and that the ambassador had himself paid a visit to the community. The activists have also had a turbulent relationship with the omdeh since first visiting the village; the omdeh had initially threatened the activists, telling them that he would inform Egyptian intelligence services if they returned to Gezirat Fadel.

The omdeh‘s remarks were incongruent with observations of village life. The conditions in which the Palestinians of Gezirat Fadel live are nothing short of appalling. The village is home to over 3,000 people. Other than a “guest building” – which consists of a large room that is used for community gatherings and is internally adorned with a banner thanking Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas for his contributions to the community – the village contains literally no public services. To say that the village was marked by poverty would be an understatement – on the way to the village, I spotted a young boy retrieving a tattered shirt from a pile of garbage and sewing it together to wear.

While the Gamal Abdel Nasser government had extended state services to Palestinians in Egypt, making it possible for Gezirat Fadel villagers to use state institutions at the same free or highly subsided prices offered to Egyptians, these rights were revoked in the Sadat era. The refugees must pay international fees to access most basic services; they have no right to property ownership.

A majority of the villagers are employed as day labourers on large tracts of land owned by Egyptian companies or families, as mechanics or in small shops in neighbouring villages, or collect and sort garbage. Donia, a 12-year-old refugee who walks for two hours each morning to join a reading class in a neighbouring village, said she aspires to work “for anyone who will employ me”.

While some mentioned the lack of legal rights, they were quick to thank Egypt for hosting them for so long. The hardships of their present lives were masked with evocations of their lost homeland. While most villagers have never laid eyes on Bir il-Saba’, even the youngest children describe it vividly, adding illustrative accounts of the night their grandparents were bombarded by Israeli fire in 1948, listing the death of relatives and recounting the journey to Egypt.

“We are Palestinian guests in Egypt, and will one day return to Bir il-Saba’,” was an unprompted phrase echoed by villagers of all ages. Eight-year-old Samih offered to show me his grandfather’s olive tree seeds, which he definitively told me that he will one day plant outside his family home in Bir il-Saba’.

Manipulation of power

While the population of many Egyptian villages may suffer from stark inequality and poor services, it seems particularly exasperated in the Palestinian case.

Basic rights for Palestinian refugees have often been presented by Arab officials as a contributor to resettlement, counter-productive to the right of return. What is apparent, though, is that these same institutions, while loudly touting their nationalism and dedication to the Palestinian cause, are largely removed from daily hardships experienced by the refugees.

One activist from Ramallah lamented the irony in the statements of Gezirat Fadel refugees who linked any hardships to a greater national cause and expressed pride in PA President Abbas, while in his home city political elites live relatively luxurious lives.

The link between personal interests and political institutions is a phenomenon that continues to have a real impact on people’s livelihoods in the Arab world. In the case of the Palestinian refugees, this is often intense, as in addition to community dynamics and Palestinian leadership, host countries add a layer of complication.

In the context of the Arab uprising, people are recognising and openly rejecting this manipulation of power. Despite the omdeh‘s threats, activists returned to Gezirat Fadel, openly challenged his statements in front of villagers and refused his monopolisation of the story of the refugee experience.

While for 65 years the right of return has been, and will continue to be, the essential demand of the Palestinian refugees, there is an evident need for an extension of basic rights to a community that suffers exponentially due to the politicisation of its identity. Arab governments’ hypocritical lip service to the Palestinian cause has long been transparent; Arab activists are now determined to bring it to an end.

Sarah Mousa graduated from Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs in 2010, and was a 2010-2011 Fulbright Scholar in Egypt. She is currently a graduate student at the Center of Contemporary Arab Studies at Georgetown University.

Source: Al Jazeera

Nowhere to go: The plight of refugees

South2North discusses human rights in Zimbabwe and the unfolding human tragedy in Myanmar.

Imagine being declared stateless and not able to return to your country of birth because of your tribe, ethnicity, skin colour or religion.
Myanmar is Asia’s newest democracy after elections last year, which saw the end of a military dictatorship and the return to world favour. But the United Nations says the long-running conflict between the Buddhist majority and Muslim minority population is a humanitarian tragedy in the making.
Ethnic Rohingyas are being denied citizenship in their own country and herded into camps where they face a triple threat from violence, starvation and disease. The UN estimates about 13,000 Rohingya fled western Myanmar and Bangladesh in 2012, and an estimated 500 refugees have already died at sea with more deaths expected.

South2North talks to Maung Tun Khin, a human rights activist from Myanmar:

“The military government is killing the Rohingyas silently. They are blocking aid. And many Rohingyas cannot go to the hospital. More than 230 Rohingya women are facing serious difficulty in delivering their babies.”
Kennedy Gihanna, a Rwandan refugee and now successful human rights lawyer in South Africa, explains that the situation in Myanmar concerns him, knowing the patterns that lead to genocide.

Fourteen years ago Gihana wrapped his school graduation certificate in a piece of plastic and tied it around his body with a piece of banana rope. Then he walked 3,000 kilometers from Kigali to Johannesburg bypassing roadblocks, soldiers and gangsters. It took him six months.
“I have been watching the issue of Myanmar. I see it on TV; it’s very sad. Nobody wants to listen to these people. Nobody even wants to protect them. Everybody, the UN, the Europena Union, the Asian Pacific, nobody wants to find a solution. And you make these people stateless in their own country. They are unwanted people,” Gihanna says.
On Sunday, March 17, in Zimbabwe, three senior officials of the Movement for Democratic Change, together with internationally renowned human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa, were arrested by plain-clothes officers at the home of a top adviser to opposition leader and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. These arrests have followed months of harsh crackdowns.

Just a few days before she was arrested, Mtetwa was a guest on this week’s South2North. She came on to explain her own work in defending human rights and how she had previously been harassed by the police for her work.

She said: “Well, I mean if the ground is uneven and you do defend people you know I’m not in the good books with those who are enjoying political power. You do expect to become part of the problem for them. You ought not to defend them and if you are defending them you are saying that what they are doing is correct.”

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Source: Al Jazeera